The assurance that in the event of increased immigration flows due to the crisis in the Middle East, Greece will respond “immediately and firmly”, the minister in charge, Thanos Plevris<\/b>.<\/p>\n
At the same time, commenting on recent developments around the case of OPEKEPE, he submits his assessment that the vast majority of documents concerning ND MPs “have no substantial weight and will eventually be filed.”<\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
Partisan discipline on the immunity of MPs or the right of each of your colleagues to vote at will? <\/b><\/p>\n
The process of waiving immunity is completely free to the conscience of the MP and there is no question of party discipline. It is a purely institutional procedure concerning the operation of the rule of law. There is a basic distinction that must be made. In the case of ministers, the merits of the case are examined. In the case of MPs, the judiciary has already made its assessment and the Parliament examines solely whether or not the acts fall within the scope of parliamentary activity<\/b>. Another crucial element is that MPs themselves, even when it comes to cases that seem weak or unsubstantiated, have asked for their immunity to be lifted. This must be respected. I am in favour of waiving immunity in these cases, both politically and legally. My assessment is that the vast majority of these cases have no substantive weight and will eventually be filed. <\/p>\n
Why do you think the OPEKEPE file is coming in installments? Do you think there is any expediency behind this and by whom? <\/b><\/p>\n
We have a problematic process here and that needs to be said clearly. There are specific shortcomings in the way the case is proceeding. The first issue is the leaks. The European Public Prosecutor’s Office operates as a closed system and when we see leaks there is a serious institutional issue. A political climate cannot be shaped by piecemeal information. The second issue is the piecemeal sending of data. Dialogues come in instalments, and there are elements that have been known for months. We see fragmentary data from specific periods of time, while there are also later ones. This raises legitimate questions. When a case has a strong political footprint, the requirement is to have a complete and comprehensive picture. What we are asking for is that all the files be sent immediately and comprehensively. I do not know whether there is an intention to intervene. But as a result, the way in which the process is proceeding is producing political data, and that is not right. My position is clear. All the evidence should be collected and sent as a whole without fragmentary reports and without different aspects of the same case at different times. <\/b><\/p>\n
The opposition is also demanding Lazaridis’ resignation from parliamentary office. How do you comment on this?<\/b><\/p>\n
The debate that has opened up around Lazaridis is indicative of the exaggeration and political exploitation that is being attempted. The position is absolutely clear. Macarios Lazaridis<\/b> has committed no wrongdoing either moral or criminal. There is no evidence to suggest that he stated anything other than what was true. It does not show that he presented a different degree or that he produced other documents. So far as his appointment is concerned, the record does not show that there is any irregularity on his part. Where the management placed him cannot be charged against him. It is the responsibility of the management to judge where each executive is utilized. This cannot be retrospectively turned into an accusation against him. In politics sometimes, regardless of substance, there is a pressure that someone has to “pay” to close a case, especially if communication mistakes have been made. This is what happened with his resignation from the post of Deputy Minister of Rural Development. In any case, we are tired of the opposition’s constant attempt to target New Democracy figures. They would be well advised to see what is happening within their own parties. New Democracy does not operate with camp-type logics of party discipline. <\/b>We are not all soldiers. There are different opinions and that is a health element. If someone crosses the line, that will be judged by the relevant party organs. Not by PASOK, not by SYRIZA and not by anyone outside the party.<\/p>\n
When do you think polls should be held eventually? <\/b><\/p>\n
The elections, as Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has stressed, will be held in 2027, at the end of the constitutionally stipulated four-year term. This is a conscious choice linked to the need for political stability and institutional consistency,<\/b> so that the government has time to implement its programme and complete the work for which it has received the mandate of the citizens. The expiry of the four-year term is not just a formality, but an element of normality in the functioning of the political system. At a time of international challenges and uncertainty, with wars and economic pressures, the country needs a stable course and a clear horizon. In 2027, citizens will evaluate the overall work of the government and decide on the basis of the results and proposals for the next day. <\/p>\n
You accuse the opposition of toxicity in parliament. Your party has no responsibility;<\/b><\/p>\n
The discussion of toxicity<\/b> cannot be done selectively or in terms of offsets. Obviously in a heated political debate we all have to watch our words. Beyond that, there is a clear qualitative difference. There is a difference between rigorous and well-founded criticism and the systematic choice of tension, denunciation and distortion as a key political tool. If you look at the attitude of opposition parties and individuals such as Zoe Konstantopoulou, you will see that the tension is not situational, but a conscious choice. And here is the bottom line. Circumstantial outbursts are one thing, but a steady political investment in polarisation is another, which is not just toxicity, but a conscious undermining of political dialogue and social cohesion itself.<\/p>\n
Soon Alexis Tsipras announces the party. Who do you consider your main opponent? Tsipras or PASOK and Androulakis? <\/b><\/p>\n
The reappearance of Alexis Tsipras<\/b> does not create a new dynamic. This is not a new player coming to be tested but a politician who has already governed, left a very specific footprint and been judged in a clear way by the people. Therefore, when he returns to the political arena, he is not starting from scratch, but he is returning carrying the whole of his political weight: his choices, his contradictions and a period of deep uncertainty for the country. In this sense, his presence does not open a new chapter, but rather brings back into the public debate a phase that society has already assessed and, to a large extent, left behind. As far as Nikos Androullac<\/b> is concerned, he has so far failed to provide clear answers to key political questions, such as with whom he will govern and with what specific plan, choosing mainly general positions and avoiding to present a comprehensive and workable proposal for governance, which ultimately makes it difficult to convince him that he constitutes a credible alternative.<\/p>\n
The flows in Crete continue. When will the necessary structures be completed? <\/b><\/p>\n
In terms of infrastructure, the picture is already clearly better than last year. In Chania there is now a ready-made structure, which was not the case last year, and the structure in Heraklion will be completed in the summer. This means that for the first time Crete has an integrated management framework that allows the flows to be dealt with effectively. <\/p>\n
Is there an estimate of any increased flows in the summer months and a plan for how they will be dealt with? <\/b><\/p>\n
At the moment the figures show that the situation is much improved in terms of flows and I can tell you that our country is recording a significant reduction in migration flows. Up to 20 April last year the sea flows from Turkey were about 6,500, while this year they are at 2,500. This is a reduction of more than 60%. Moreover, at the moment there is no picture of a massive population shift from the war zones to Europe. In Iran there is no such pressure, while in Lebanon there has been an internal movement of about a million people, but they remain inside the country and already seem to be returning. So for the moment we do not have a wave of migration to Greece, although it is a dynamic situation that we are constantly monitoring. Our main channel of concern is Libya, mainly because of the situation in Sudan. It is a channel that we are monitoring closely because, despite the stabilisation of flows, the population pool in Libya could at any moment create increased pressures. Against this, there is full operational preparation. <\/b>We are in constant cooperation with the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and the Coast Guard, which is operating consistently and effectively in the field, while Frontex has significantly strengthened its presence. Its assets are operating closer to the Libyan side, giving us a better overview of departures and the possibility of timely reaction and information to the Libyan authorities. I want to be absolutely clear. If there is an increase in flows, the reaction will be immediate and much more severe. The measures taken in the past will be considered mild compared to what we can implement. There will be immediate suspension of asylum, increased returns and greater intensity in the field<\/b>. The country has proven that it can protect its borders and will continue to do so with determination.<\/p>\n
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