The design of the new state map of our country through the upcoming Constitutional revision was developed by Euripides Stylianides<\/b> at the 16th conference of the New Democracy<\/b>. <\/p>\n
Focusing on the upcoming constitutional revision, Euripides Stylianides<\/b>, who has been appointed by the Prime Minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis<\/b> as rapporteur to the relevant committee of the Parliament, after outlining the difficulties of the project, he stressed that “the maturity of the entire political system and its ability to debate responsibly, soberly and scientifically informed and to create consensus<\/b> is being tested.” <\/p>\n
Reputable jurist, Euripides Stylianides stressed that the upcoming Constitutional revision<\/b> constitutes “a rare opportunity, drawing on the experience of repeated crises that we have successfully faced, to design the new Political Charter of our country, transcending petty party differences and passions<\/b>“. <\/p>\n
Euripides Stylianides explained that “the Hellenic Constitution is strict but open<\/b>“. “Strict because it protects values that are the hard core of our national cultural identity, but open because it has the flexibility to adapt to scientific, technological and international political developments (Article 28),” he explained.<\/p>\n
Continuing his reasoning, Euripides Stylianides explained that the Greek Constitution has demonstrated “resilience”, which “was successfully tested during the last economic crisis of the memoranda and then during the health crisis of the Covid 19 pandemic, where the ‘Exception Statute’ successfully acted as a shock absorber that, with the Law of Necessity<\/b>, absorbed the shocks and protected the hard core of human rights until we were fully back to normalcy.”<\/p>\nThe 30 proposed changes to the Constitution<\/h3>\n
Outlining the proposed changes to the Constitution, Euripides Stylianides said: “We synthesized the hundreds of proposals submitted by MPs, representatives of the judiciary, the Central Union of Municipalities of Greece, experts and other bodies” and then “we formulated 30 changes to the Constitution<\/b> as a basis for an open debate to the end, which for methodological reasons we categorized them into 4 main groups<\/b>:<\/p>\n
a) The identity provisions that shape the Cultural Constitution<\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
b) The social provisions that shape the Social Constitution,<\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
c) The institutional provisions that modernize the Institutional Constitution by strengthening the Checks and Balances Principle<\/b><\/p>\n<\/p>\n
d) The developmental provisions that define the Economic Constitution<\/b>“.<\/p>\n
In this spirit, Euripides Stylianides stressed that “the content of the Constitutional Review is the stakes of the<\/b> Review Parliament<\/b> that will emerge after the elections from a new balance of power and requires consensus”. <\/p>\n
“The success therefore of the present project is that the Revision Committee of the Proposing Parliament will be able to lift itself above the current petty party and managerial controversies and decide on the new Constitutional Charter of the Country with an eye not on the next elections, but on the next generations<\/b>“, Euripides Stylianides stressed. “We ought to confirm once again to the Greek People that our Party, since its foundation by Constantine Karamanlis<\/b>, has always been identified with the top choices for the nation,” Euripides Stylianides concluded his speech. <\/p>\n
The entire speech of the Rapporteur of the New Democracy in the Constitution Revision Committee Euripides Stylianides<\/b><\/p>\n
Mr President<\/p>\n
Ladies and Gentlemen<\/p>\n
The Revision Process, which is about to begin, is the top parliamentary process, where the Government and the Opposition are not pitted against each other, but where the maturity of the entire political system and its ability to debate responsibly, soberly and scientifically informed and to build consensus is tested. It also tests the ability of political parties and MPs to present innovative ideas and intelligent proposals for the Greece of the future.<\/p>\n
I would like to begin by thanking the Prime Minister for the confidence he has shown in me by entrusting me with the role of Majority Leader and by conveying to me the duty to express the sum of the views that emerged from our internal consultation.<\/p>\n
A few months ago, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, as the head of the government majority, as he had committed himself during the election, gave the signal for the start of an internal, but also a public consultation on the revision of the Constitution initiated by the MPs, in view of the transformation of the present Parliament from a Joint to a Proposing Parliament. More than 50 colleagues responded to this internal consultation by submitting innovative and pertinent proposals that formed the raw material to form the basis for the public debate and institutional dialogue that will be launched in the Committee of the Parliament.<\/p>\n
The Constitution of Greece is the codified, democratically legitimized institutional expression of the code of values that defines our timeless cultural and national identity.<\/p>\n
The Greek Constitution is strict but open. Strict because it protects values that form the hard core of our national cultural identity, but open because it has the flexibility to adapt to scientific, technological and international political developments (Article 28). It resists the phenomenon of Mcdonaldnisation, i.e. the ‘cloning’ of cultures and economic, political and cultural models. At the same time, however, it monitors developments and adapts to them so as not to lead to a break-up of the institutional framework.<\/p>\n
His resilience was successfully tested during the last economic crisis of the Memoranda and then during the health crisis of the Covid 19 pandemic, where the “Exception Statute” successfully acted as a shock absorber that with the Law of Necessity absorbed the shocks and protected the hard core of human rights until we are fully back to normality.<\/p>\n
The revision debate in the Proposing House is solely to identify provisions that need to be supplemented, revised, repealed or even enacted for the first time. It will now be decided what to change, but not how to change it. The content is what is at stake in the Review Parliament that will emerge after the elections from a new balance of power and requires consensus. The success of the present project is therefore that the Review Committee of the Proposing Parliament will be able to rise above the current petty partisan and managerial controversies and decide on the new constitutional charter of the country with an eye not on the next election but on future generations.<\/p>\n
I believe that we have a duty not to subscribe to a peculiar constitutional populism which the Opposition unfortunately seems to be adopting. The institutional logic and the sober evolution of the modern Greek State must not be shaped by demographic analyses and extreme approaches that may in the short term satisfy popular sentiment or the journalistic pursuit of television ratings, but in the medium term destroy the basic principle of our democracy, the Principle of Checks and Balances.<\/p>\n
A new fact in the revision process that we can no longer ignore is that since 1980, when Greece joined the EEC, and much more intensely today, a new international framework is dynamically taking shape, an international legal order parallel to the national, international legal order, as strong as the Constitution and totally intrusive to the domestic legal order. This stems from primary and secondary European law and the relevant case law of the CJEU (European Data Protection Regulation, AI ACT, main shareholder, Non-State Universities), from the ECHR and the decisions of the ECtHR, from bilateral, multilateral and international conventions that Greece has ratified or will ratify (Framework Convention on AI, human rights, democracy and the rule of law). Any revision initiative must intelligently harmonize the National Constitution with the international legal order, without, of course, altering its hard core values, in order to avoid the rupture of the national institutional framework and the international isolation of Greece.<\/p>\n
Composing the hundreds of proposals submitted by Members of Parliament, representatives of the judiciary, the KEDE, experts and other bodies, we have formulated 30 changes to the Constitution as a basis for an open discussion that we have categorized them into 4 main groups for methodological reasons:<\/p>\n
a) The identity provisions that shape the Cultural Constitution;<\/p>\n
b) The social provisions that shape the Social Constitution;<\/p>\n
c) The institutional provisions that modernize the Institutional Constitution, strengthening the Checks and Balances Principle; and finally<\/p>\n
d) The developmental provisions that delineate the Economic Constitution.<\/p>\n
As an indication, here are some emblematic changes by category:<\/p>\n
A) TATISTIC PROVISIONS – CULTURAL CONSTITUTION<\/p>\n
The tautonic provisions shape the Cultural Constitution of Greece by protecting the hard core values of our national and cultural identity. We propose:<\/p>\n
The constitutional protection of the Greek Flag as a timeless symbol of our nation and culture (Article 16(2A)) and the protection of the Greek language (Article 16(2B)) as the carrier of Greek culture and national heritage, but also as a living link with Ecumenical Hellenism. The institutionalization of the positive use of AI in a way that will protect and render human rights from possible negative applications (Article 5B) and harmonize our national Constitution with the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe.<\/p>\n
B) SOCIAL PROVISIONS – SOCIAL CONSTITUTION<\/p>\n
Social provisions consolidate the Social Constitution whose operation shields social justice, guarantees equality of opportunity and enhances social mobility. We propose:<\/p>\n
The extension of the minimum compulsory education from 9 to 11 years and especially the liberation of Higher Education from the state monopoly and the establishment of the Non-State University by revising Article 16 which widens the scope of freedom of choice for young Greeks, guarantees equality of opportunity for those who cannot afford to study abroad or those who could not study due to difficulties in their youth and enhances social mobility by making education at the highest level Lifelong Learning. This article vindicates the long-standing claim of the Winners’ Generation of the GSP NWFK.<\/p>\n
We also propose the establishment of intergenerational justice and solidarity (article 21(3) and (4)) as the basis for a human-centred cohesive society and the provision of affordable housing, a policy essential for the support of the Family.<\/p>\n
We prioritise the protection of the natural and social environment (article 24(3) and (4)). 1), addressing the phenomenon of climate change and ensuring environmental balance.<\/p>\n
C) INSTITUTIONAL CHANGES – STRENGTHENING THE AUTHORITY OF CHECKS AND BALANCES<\/p>\n
The institutional changes we propose seek to restore the Authority of Checks and Balances of our Republic, correcting distortions of the past and contributing to the transition to a modern European institutional environment.<\/p>\n
The institutional changes we propose seek to restore the Authority of Checks and Balances of our Republic, correcting distortions of the past and contributing to the transition to a modern European institutional environment. Specifically:<\/p>\n
– We propose, by providing for a statutory reservation in Article 29 S, the strengthening of internal democracy in political parties, because this will mean better democracy of the parties.<\/p>\n
– We modernize the provisions on press, broadcasting and internet (Articles 14,15)<\/p>\n
– We provide for a six-year term of office for the President of the Republic (Article 30)<\/p>\n
– We introduce rules for the good conduct of referendums (Article 44 par. 2)<\/p>\n
– We extend the right to vote by postal vote within the territory (Article 51(4))<\/p>\n
– The electoral system should ensure reasonable proportionality and governability of the country. It may be provided by law that the territory is divided into minor and major regions (Article 54(1), (3))<\/p>\n
– In Article 60, we recommend the institutional protection of the role of the MP at the constitutional level as well, in order to re-emphasize the legislative role (proposing a law), the control role (parliamentary control) and the mediating role of the MP (communication with his\/her constituency), which is also mentioned in the Parliament’s regulations. It becomes a constitutional obligation of the Ministers to respond in a well-founded manner to the parliamentary scrutiny of the MPs, as well as the systematic communication of the MP with his\/her constituency and the transparent public transfer of just collective or individual issues to the executive through the parliament.<\/p>\n
– It becomes a constitutional obligation to comply with the basic principles of good lawmaking<\/p>\n
– Synthesizing the hundreds of proposals submitted by MPs, representatives of the judiciary, the KEDE, experts and other bodies, we have formulated 30 changes to the Constitution as a basis for an open debate that for methodological reasons we have categorized them into 4 main groups:<\/p>\n
a) The identity provisions that shape the Cultural Constitution;<\/p>\n
b) The social provisions that shape the Social Constitution;<\/p>\n
c) The institutional provisions that modernize the Institutional Constitution, strengthening the Checks and Balances Principle; and finally<\/p>\n
d) The development provisions that define the Economic Constitution.<\/p>\n
The issue of Article 81 para. 2 on the incompatibility of MP\/Minister , giving rise to intense debate from different directions.<\/p>\n
– The Government must follow rules of good governance , i.e. the Cabinet must vote on the Unified Government Policy Plan for the next two years, which is made public. (Article 82(5) )<\/p>\n
– The responsibility of Ministers under Article 86. We have a duty to strike a balance between, on the one hand, the absolute impunity of politicians which breeds the arrogance of power and the citizens’ distaste for public affairs, a situation which encourages activism and extremism, and, on the other hand, the absolute punitiveness which leads easily, as our history shows, to the criminalisation of political life, the vilification of opponents, the exacerbation of political passions and sometimes the surrender of conscientious politicians as pawns of vested interests. It is clear that the role of the judiciary must be strengthened. But this does not necessarily mean that the shield of parliament will be completely nullified;<\/p>\n
The minister who takes decisions and solves problems is usually the one who is exposed to risks. The one who doesn’t sign off is not only not at risk, but is usually more popular. But the cost of No Decisions in Greece is three times the cost of bad decisions. <\/p>\n
This is why it is proposed (in Article 86(2)) to abolish “without delay” and the power of the Parliament to conduct a preliminary examination. The preliminary examination shall be conducted by a Prosecutor of the Court of Appeal and the proposal for prosecution by a Prosecutor of the Supreme Court. Alternatively, the preliminary assessment of criminal responsibility of Ministers could be carried out by a mixed judicial-political body. Prosecution would be by a decision of the Parliament, by an absolute majority of the total number of MPs, by roll call vote.<\/p>\n
– Changes are also being promoted in the way the leadership of the judiciary is selected and in other matters to further shield its independence (Art. 3 and 90(5)), on digital trial issues (Article 93(3) and (5)), on the functioning of the AED and on the preventive control of unconstitutionality or harmonisation with European law (Article 100(2))<\/p>\n
– The decentralised system of the country is redefined (Article 101(3) and (5)). 3 and 5) and calls on the State to take all necessary measures to support the primary sector, demographic reinforcement and the development of settlements in the Greek periphery.<\/p>\n
– Article 101A changes the way in which Independent Authorities are appointed.<\/p>\n
– The discussion of article 102 on the A and B degree of Local Government is opened after a proposal by the KEDE, so that ” Any transfer of powers from central or regional state bodies to local government, as well as the assignment of new powers or obligations, implies the securing of the resources required for their exercise”. Fiscal decentralisation is promoted, sustainable budgets for local authorities and the AED takes over the disciplinary cases of elected officials<\/p>\n
– The concept of tenure of civil servants is redefined (Article 103(4)) and the two-way evaluation of supervisors and incumbents is introduced, as well as the evaluation of traders with rewards and penalties based on performance.<\/p>\n
D) DEVELOPMENT PROVISIONS – ECONOMIC CONSTITUTION<\/p>\n
The development provisions proposed respect the neutral character of the Economic Constitution, but they describe and complement the Social Market Economy as a commonly accepted basis of primary European law. <\/p>\n
– The breaking of the state monopoly in Higher Education through the revision of Article 16 and the establishment of a Legal Entity for Higher Education belongs, among other things, to the Economic Constitution, because it aims to transform Greece from an island of educational isolationism into an international educational centre. By repatriating at least part of the 53,000 exiled Greek students and other distinguished researchers and attracting foreigners, it creates a new source of GDP, new jobs and of course direct Greek and foreign investments in the field of education and culture, introducing the Greek economy to the international educational market of 30 billion dollars a year, from which it has been absent for so many years.<\/p>\n
– In Articles 17 and 18 we can clearly protect not only property but also property (shares, bonds, intellectual and industrial property, trademarks), institutionalize dynamic urban planning with the transfer of the building factor and allow the use of abandoned buildings for social purposes.<\/p>\n
– Abolish the retroactive application of a tax burden (Article 78(2)) and adopt a law with fixed tax incentives for strategic investments related to our national economy. (Para 6)<\/p>\n
– The objective of our budgets (according to Article 79) is to ensure sustainable fiscal operation.<\/p>\n
– The Economic Constitution of Greece is oriented towards the Social Market Economy, respects free competition for the benefit of consumers, guarantees social mobility and pursues social cohesion and justice. It aims at fiscal balance and ecological sustainability, which are the main pillars of economic policy.<\/p>\n
Ladies and Gentlemen<\/p>\n
We have learned from our history that the most perfect Constitutions in the hands of unconscious or indifferent officials failed, while even imperfect Constitutions in the hands of conscientious officials worked perfectly.<\/p>\n
Today we have a rare opportunity, drawing on the experience of repeated crises that we have successfully faced, to design the new Political Charter of our Homeland, transcending petty party differences and passions, and to confirm once again to the Greek People that our Party, since its foundation by Constantine Karamanlis, has always been identified with the top choices for the nation.<\/p>\n
Thank you!<\/p>\n
.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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