The government’s intention Trump to proceed with the sale of American F110 engines to Turkey for the Kaan fighter jet currently under development is not merely a defense deal.
It appears to be part of a broader strategy of “transactional diplomacy,” aimed at gradually bringing Ankara back into the Western defense ecosystem, gradually bypassing the political and legal reservations created by the purchase of the Russian S-400s.
According to Reuters, the Trump administration has officially notified Congress of a package worth over $700 million for the procurement of approximately 80 General Electric F110 engines. This number, according to analysts, is sufficient not only to support the prototypes but also to cover the first production runs of the Kaan in the coming years.
This development coincides with preparations for the NATO Summit in Ankara (July 7–8) at a time when Washington is seeking to avoid the appearance of internal division within the Alliance, while simultaneously strengthening its cooperation with a country it continues to regard as strategically important.
But the issue doesn’t stop at the engines. The Vice President of the U.S./a>, James David Vance, confirmed that a legal review is underway to determine whether and under what conditions Turkey could acquire the F-35s.
This is the real political message: Washington is not merely discussing a limited technical arrangement, but is examining whether there is an opening for the gradual restoration of defense relations with Ankara, attempting to separate Turkey’s current geopolitical utility from the restrictions imposed by the U.S. National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) of 2020 due to the S-400s.
In this battle, the backlash within the U.S. is escalating. The Greek and Cypriot networks, with the American Hellenic Institute at the forefront, have already mobilized, while Greek-American members of Congress are publicly expressing their serious concern. The Armenian lobby insists on the full implementation of CAATSA sanctions, while pro-Israel groups, such as JINSA, warn that Turkey remains a “flight risk” for the F-35s as long as it keeps the Russian S-400s operational.
The convergence of these three distinct networks of influence—Greek, Armenian, and pro-Israeli—forms a rare united front in Congress against any attempt to fully reinstate Turkey into the U.S. defense program.
However, Ankara also has a significant technical advantage. Through TEI (TUSAŞ Engine Industries), which has been supporting the engines of Turkish F-16s for decades, it has gained significant experience in the maintenance and assembly of F110 engines.
This makes integrating the engines into the Kaan program easier and less demanding in terms of new infrastructure. However, the critical know-how regarding the engine—and particularly the so-called “hot section,” its most technologically advanced component—remains American. Turkey can maintain and operate the engine, but it cannot develop it further, export it, or replace it without Washington’s approval.
Nevertheless, the F110s do not automatically turn the Kaan into an immediate threat to Greek air superiority in the Aegean. The aircraft remains in the development phase, with critical stages of certification, integration of electronic systems, sensors, weapons, software, and network-centric capabilities still ahead of it.
The acquisition of American engines buys valuable time for Erdogan’s program, but at the same time keeps Ankara in a state of technological dependence. As long as the Kaan flies with an American “heart,” Turkey remains dependent on Western technology and the political decisions that accompany it.
The real question, then, is not whether an American engine will be installed in a Turkish fighter jet. It is whether Washington is beginning to dismantle, step by step, the framework of restrictions it imposed following the purchase of the S-400s. Because if the engines are the first step, then the real debate isn’t just about the Kaan or even the F-35s. It’s about whether Turkey is once again gaining what it has been seeking for years: geopolitical immunity!
